Four days before a montage of Donald Trump set to a song called 'Love Me' started airing, the White House budget office sent Customs and Border Protection $20 million for 'OBBBA commemorative events.' The next day, CBP handed the same amount to an ad agency. Federal law bans spending public funds on propaganda.
The joint fundraising PAC behind Marsha Blackburn's campaign for governor sends donor emails with subjects like 'CORRECTION REQUIRED' and 'Notice of Rescindment,' warning of 'permanent' changes to a 'Voter Profile' and 'MAGA loyalty file.' The same week, the Senate passed an anti-scam bill she championed.
Signs paid for by Turning Point's PAC claim 'Democrats for Biggs.' The Arizona Republic found no such group, Biggs couldn't name a Democrat who supports him, the signs drew at least four complaints to the state, and Turning Point staffers posted faked photos of a Democratic lawmaker posing with the signs.
When the president's son was Hunter Biden, Tom Emmer said nobody was above the law and a 'private citizen' was no excuse. When a Republican senator asked to look at a Putin-tied oligarch paying for Donald Trump Jr.'s wedding party, Emmer called it a hoax.
In 2006, when House leaders were accused of ignoring warnings about Rep. Mark Foley and teenage pages, Bobby Charles wrote an op-ed defending Speaker Dennis Hastert's 'commitment to education and kids.' Hastert later admitted abusing boys he coached. Asked about it, Charles's campaign didn't address the op-ed.
At least a dozen people who worked for Bill Huizenga were or became lobbyists — including his chief of staff of 11 years, now lobbying for Travelers, and two deputy chiefs of staff now lobbying for Vanguard and TransUnion. All three companies answer to the committee Huizenga helps run.
On August 28, Miller's congressional office aired a radio ad of a constituent thanking 'Congressman Miller' — 'paid for by official funds.' It ran a week before the pre-election blackout, three weeks after he said he'd loan his own campaign $1 million.
FEC filings show Spartz's campaign paid Jason Spartz $30,000 in November 2025 for 'annual rent' and has since paid nearly $6,000 in Hamilton County property taxes. Spartz says the $30,000 covered six years of back rent — but her campaign had reported 34 of those months as rent she donated for free.
Every host of John James' September 23 Washington fundraiser works at BGR Group, which has taken $590,000 to lobby for surveillance-camera company Flock — including the firm's president, a registered Flock lobbyist. As Michigan communities cancel Flock contracts, James has offered only generalities about balancing privacy and policing.