McGuire's disclosure also reports a SpaceX purchase three days after its IPO — while sitting on the Armed Services Committee that oversees SpaceX's federal contracts. Both trades are legal. That's the problem.
Adam Kidan pleaded guilty in the Jack Abramoff scandal and was ordered to pay $21.7 million in restitution. He donated to Mackenzie's joint fundraising committee on June 30. Trump pardoned him on July 3.
As Ohio House speaker, Husted stripped the one-year window that would have let survivors of clergy sexual abuse sue after their deadline had passed. Survivors filled the Statehouse halls. He took a side door into the chamber, and they sued him for meeting behind closed doors.
Steube sued to stop proxy voting and promised in writing never to use it. Nine months later he filed a false letter with the House clerk so he could go speak at a political conference in Orlando.
A dark-money group is running an ad calling Blackburn 'queen pharma mama.' Her lawyers say it's defamation. The underlying record — a 2016 law that stripped the DEA's power to immediately freeze suspicious opioid shipments — is real.
Five Republicans in Congress had SpaceX money on the line — four of them bought in the week of the IPO while sitting on committees that oversee parts of the company's business. Six weeks later, every one of them voted for a stock-trading bill that bans new purchases but lets them keep what they already own.
AIPAC and its allies spent $8 million to take out a sitting Republican congressman who wouldn't fall in line. Here's how a lobby funded by a few billionaires came to own both parties' votes on war and peace.
A ProPublica investigation into MAGA influencer Nick Adams' civics charity found almost no evidence it teaches civics — and a $1,000,000 sweepstakes prize with no record of ever being paid. It fits a pattern.
Creditors are chasing MyPillow for more than $25 million in unpaid bills, and Lindell's election lies could still cost him hundreds of millions more — as he asks Minnesota to hand him the state budget.